By GRAIN On 2 March 2010

Ethiopia is one of the main targets in the current global farmland grab. The government has stated publicly that it wants to provide 3 million hectares of farmland in the country to foreign investors and around 1 million hectares have apparently already been signed away.

Nyikaw Ochalla

Much of the land that these investors have acquired is in the province of Gambella, a fertile area that is home to the Anuak Nation. The Anuak are indigenous people that have always lived in Gambella and who practice farming, pastoralism and hunting and gathering.

GRAIN spoke with Nyikaw Ochalla, an Anuak living in exile in the United Kingdom, to better understand the consequences for the Anuak and other local communities from this new wave of land deals in Ethiopia.

Nyikaw Ochalla

GRAIN: How will these large-scale projects affect the agriculture of the Anuak?

Nyikaw Ochalla: The Anuak are a distinct people that have always lived in close connection with their environment. As an indigenous population, they have been marginalised by the government for many years. They mainly sustain themselves through farming, hunting and fishing, while some Anuak are also pastoralists.

The attraction of Gambella for these foreign investors is its fertile lands. But the area is fertile because the local people have nurtured and maintained its ecological systems through their agricultural practices. They may not have had access to modern education but they have a traditional means of cultivation, which includes rotation. When the rainy season comes, they move to the drier areas and, when the dry season comes, they go to the river banks, making sure that they manage their environment effectively. So all of the lands in the region are utilised. Each community has and looks after its own territory, and the rivers and farmlands within it. It is a myth propagated by the government and investors to say that there is waste land or land that is not utilised in Gambella.

With the current trend of large-scale agricultural projects in Gambella, many people are coming in claiming to know the best practices for agriculture. The government is assuming that this is a fertile land, but the agricultural projects it is pursuing in the region will devastate the soil. We are already seeing a rise in temperatures in Gambella from climate change, which is making the lands more fragile. These large-scale projects will undermine the practices of the indigenous population and destroy the fertility of the soils, as has been the case in other parts of Ethiopia. One of the reasons why Ethiopia suffers from recurrent famines is because of poor agricultural practices that were encouraged by government programmes and that did not consider the long-term health of the soils.

GRAIN: Are the local people aware of the deals the government is signing with foreign investors for land in Gambella?

Anuak refugee camp in southern Sudan

Nyikaw Ochalla: These are secret deals between the government and the land grabbers, in particular the foreign investors. I very much doubt that the regional government is even aware of these deals. This land grab is something that is happening in Addis Abeba, the capital city of Ethiopia. There is no consultation with the indigenous population, who remain far away from the deals. The only thing the local people see is people coming with lots of tractors to invade their lands. And they have no place to voice their opposition. They are just being evicted without any proper consultation, any proper compensation.

Resistance to these projects is difficult given the past experience of the indigenous people. Back in 2003, under the pretext of an attack on a UN vehicle, the Ethiopian army went on a rampage and killed over 400 male Anuaks. It’s an ongoing and severe humanitarian disaster. Many Anuak fled their lands to go to other parts of the continent, such as Sudan where there are thousands living as refugees. And, as we speak, the government has decided to send more contingents from the army into the region. The clear intention is to crush any opposition that might arise to these land grabs. There is currently a curfew in Gambella, imposed by the central government.

Anuak refugee camp in southern Sudan

What we are seeing today is a continuation of what happened in 2003 and I believe that the current regime has calculated this very well to make sure that the indigenous populations will have no voice, no means of protest. People are very fearful to speak about this landgrabbing. But they know that it will be destructive for their future, that losing the land for 50 years to a foreign company will leave them destitute and leave the land in very poor conditions. So conflict is a possibility that may erupt, given the lack of possibilities for other means of resistance.

GRAIN: How is the large Ethiopian diaspora reacting to what is happening?

Nyikaw Ochalla: There is a mix of views. A small fraction of the diaspora keenly support the current policies of the Ethiopian government simply because they are beneficiaries of land leases and also members of the ruling party. But I think the majority is very concerned. It is high time for us to come together in the interests of protecting the future land for the Ethiopian population because it is not only the Gambella population that will be affected. The land grabs are happening across the country and they are happening as the population of the country is increasing. The future is very difficult to foresee as it will be increasingly difficult for people to get access to land.

GRAIN: Can you imagine a scenario in which the local population benefits from these large land deals?

Nyikaw Ochalla: I doubt very much that such a win-win situation is possible. We are talking about a regime in Ethiopia and other governments in Africa targeted by these investors that are very corrupt. They think of themselves, not the people.

No one would trade working the lands as they have for centuries to work the lands as a daily labourer for a pittance in wages. If the question is about increasing agricultural production, the most ideal way is by supporting the indigenous population in small-scale farming in a manner that sustains the environment.

GRAIN: Why is the Ethiopian government so committed to handing the country’s farmland over to foreign investors?

Nyikaw Ochalla: One of the main reasons why the government is inviting investors to come in is to show a good face to donors, to show it is doing something in the face of recurrent famine. Plus, the Ethiopian government is part of the international community’s fight against terror and so the donor countries are unwilling to criticise the Ethiopian government, as the Horn of Africa is a volatile region and Ethiopia is the only relatively stable country. The government has a lot of enemies within and outside of the government, and since 2001 anyone opposing the government is treated as a terrorist.

Anuak refugee camp in southern Sudan

The Ethiopian government is in fact playing a more sinister game and the international community is either ignoring or going along with it to satisfy its own interests. This government uses every means to control the political power in the country, and creating a class society, getting more money from investors, allows it to buy off power.

The land grabs are also a pretext to create a vacuum in the region so that the indigenous people cannot have a voice to oppose the government. This is a regime that has no principles when it comes to morality. It claims to respect the rights of indigenous peoples, but the promised devolution of power has gone astray. The land is supposed to be controlled by the local people, through a state system. But now the central government has decided to intervene. They want to crush any opposition, whether at the local level or the national level. And they will try to do this by creating a class society by economic means.

GRAIN: Can you explain a little more about how the land grabs interact with the government’s political agenda?

Nyikaw Ochalla: When the current regime came to power in 1991, it was supported by the Anuak people, who were opposed to the former socialist regime’s land policies and its destruction of their cultural values. That regime had instituted a policy of colonisation in Gambella, bringing in thousands of people from outside of the region to settle there and cultivate the land. It implemented a state farm model as a way to cultivate cash crops. But because the local population was not consulted they resisted these policies and took sides with the current regime.

As a result, the new regime granted them autonomy at the state level. But that autonomy has subsequently been greatly restricted. Elections are now not being allowed at the state level for fear that representatives of the indigenous people might be voted into power. Today, the state officials are appointed by the central government.

It would not be improper to say that this government is pursuing systematic genocide against the indigenous population. Today there are a high number of Ethiopians from other parts of the country moving into Gambella to work on the large-scale agricultural projects. This is a very critical moment for the future of the indigenous people of Gambella.

The foreign investors that are going to come into the region will bring in some job opportunities but these will mainly be for people from outside of the region. This suits the interests of the government because it would like to do away with the indigenous population, and it can no longer simply kill-off the people as it has in the past because of the problems this generates for its image. By bringing in foreign investors the international community will not argue that this is systematic genocide. But, as we know, the indigenous people will be evicted from their lands and demographic change will clear them out of the area.
Nyikaw Ochalla can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it

http://farmlandgrab.org/11440/print/

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OLA Freedom Fighters Made Over 54 Invading TPLF Troops Out of Action.

(OLF News, March 4, 2010) The hope and shield of the Oromo people, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) Eastern Command reported that our gallant freedom fighters have put over 54 Woyane [Ethiopian] invading troops out of action in a two day operation at two separate locations in Western Harargee zone on February 18, 2010 and February 25, 2010, OLF News correspondents reported from Eastern Oromia.

The first OLA attack occurred on February 18, 2010 in Eastern Oromia, Western Harargee Zone, in Bookee Xiqqoo County [woreda], village number 2, at a place called Gaara Kolbaa in which 7 Woyane troops have been killed and more than 8 wounded. Among the killed were two Woyane cadres, who are known as “village cabinet members”, whose names are Adam and Bashir. In this operation different military equipments, which includes 6 machineguns have been captured from the fleeing enemy troops.

The second OLA attack took place on February 25, 2010 in Western Harargee zone Hawwii Guddinaa County [woreda] at a place called Gulufa. In this operation heroic OLA freedom fighters attacked the enemy troops who were terrorizing the local population at the time, fought with great courage and determination killing 27 enemy troops and wounding 12 others. At the end of this attack OLA captured 8 machineguns, ammunitions and other military equipments.

Among those dead in this operation are three Woyane cadres who have been harassing the population whose names are Abdulsalam Ahmed (head of logistics for Araddaa [village] 36), Saanii Roobaa (chairperson of village 36), and Kadir (a member of cabinet for village 36).

It is to be recalled that OLF News has reported that on February 10 OLA has killed 6 Woyane troops, on January 31 that OLA has killed 6 and wounded more than 9, on January 16, 2010 that OLA Eastern command has killed 3 and wounded more than 8; on October 31, 2009 that OLA fighters operating in Arsi have killed 5 and wounded more than 7; and on October 21, on August 6, August 27, and July 11, 2009 OLA freedom fighters have killed a total of 40 and wounded 21 others in Western Harargee zone.

OLA Eastern command added in their report that our freedom fighters will continue their attack on the invading Woyane troops until Oromia is liberated.

OLF News

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Ethnic Oromos Say They Flee Persecution in Ethiopia

Heather Murdock | Sana'a04 March 2010

In recent months, thousands of Ethiopians living in Yemen, have been returned to Africa. Members of Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, the Oromo, say they are systematically abused in Ethiopia and they travel to Yemen out of fear for their lives. But Yemeni and Ethiopian officials say they are in search of better jobs, not in fear of political persecution.

In Yemen, tens of thousands of Africans arrive on the beaches every year. Some come half-alive after being dumped off-shore by smugglers, fleeing gunfire from Yemeni troops. Many do not survive the journey.

The Yemeni government calls many of those coming from Ethiopia, "infiltrators" and "sneakers" and regularly announces mass arrests, and plans for deportations.

In the past year, the number of people fleeing the Horn of Africa for Yemen has risen dramatically, mostly because of a spike in the number of people coming from Ethiopia.

Aid workers say most of the Ethiopians arriving in Yemen are ethnic Oromos, complaining of political persecution. But Ethiopian officials say there is no persecution in Ethiopia against the Oromos.

This man says he fled Ethiopia after he broke out of prison by hiding inside a sewage-pit. He, like his fellow Oromo community leaders in Yemen, says he was persecuted at home. He says the Oromo make up almost half the country's population. He says he was arrested because the Ethiopian government suspected him of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front.

The Oromo Liberation Front is an armed separatist group that claims the Oromo are denied basic human rights by the ruling party.

Human Rights Watch says Ethiopia has a well-founded fear of terrorist attacks from separatist groups, but regularly uses this fear as an excuse to silence peaceful opposition. The Ethiopian government considers OLF members criminals, and charges them with attacking civilian targets, like buses and schools.

Oromo activists claim because of this conflict, ordinary Oromo people are arrested arbitrarily, tortured and sometimes killed. Many flee to neighboring countries to seek political asylum.

The U.N. refugee agency has acknowledged more than 3,000 Ethiopians as legitimate political refugees In Yemen. But like the Yemeni government, UNHCR protection officer Samer Haddadin says most of the Ethiopians that come to Yemen are fleeing poverty and drought, and seeking jobs, not political asylum.

"Most of the people are coming because of economic hardship," he said. "It is not a bad reason to leave your country, but it is not a good reason to ask the state of asylum to accept them as refugees."

Haddadin says the UNHCR knows the Yemeni government regularly arrests and deports large numbers of Ethiopians, without giving them a chance to present their case for asylum.

But according to the Ethiopian ambassador in Yemen, Tawfik Abdullahi Ahmed, the point is moot. He says peaceful opposition political parties are legal and common in Ethiopia, so none of the new arrivals are legitimately seeking asylum.

Ahmed says migration from Ethiopia to Yemen is business, not politics. He says people coming to Yemen from his country are victims of human traffickers, who convince them that they can find passage to rich Gulf states like Saudi Arabia. Once in Yemen, many Ethiopians elect to go home, when they realize they cannot reach their destination.

But refugees say the claims Africans who arrive on Yemeni beaches choose to go home are false. Detainees are given a choice between a Yemeni prison and deportation, and often "volunteer" to return.

Other's say it is not just ethnic-Oromo people in Ethiopia that are being persecuted. Sitting on the floor in her home in Basateen, a sprawling slum in south Yemen, where thousands of African refugees live, Aya says other, smaller ethnic minority groups face similar problems in Ethiopia. She says troubles in Ethiopia are often kept quiet abroad. But at home, Aya says, everyone believes it is not safe to speak against the government.

Source: VOA

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Foreign Ministers of Kenya and Ethiopia Arrive in Khartoum

(SUNA)  - 3/04/10

Moses Wetang'ula and Seyoum Mesfin, the Foreign Ministers of Kenya and Ethiopia, arrived in Khartoum Wednesday morning.

Category: General
Posted by: admin

The two Ministers were received at Khartoum airport by Minister of Foreign Affairs, Deng Alor, and number of senior officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the Kenyan and Ethiopian diplomatic Missions in Khartoum.

In this regard, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alor, said the visit came as part of the continuous contacts by the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to get acquainted with the implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in Sudan as well as the preparations for the coming elections in April 2010.

He added that the visit aimed at boosting cooperation of the member states of the IGAD on the issues of concern in the region, top of which the issues of Sudan and Somalia. The Minister revealed existence of a proposal to hold an IGAD's summit in Nairobi next week and that Sudan proposed deferment of this summit because of the elections, explaining that all the issues of this summit will be discussed during this visit, adding that the summit would either be held next week or postponed according to Sudan's request to the elections aftermath.

He explained that the visit of the Ethiopian and Kenyan Ministers of Foreign Affairs would last for two days during which they would meet number of officials in the federal government in Khartoum as well as the Government of South Sudan in Juba

http://search.globescope.com

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Fallout Over Koka Power Outage

March 3rd, 2010

Fortune - Electric supply has become stressed following the burning of the substation transformer for Koka Hydroelectric Dam on February 3, 2010, three weeks after the news of the collapse of the tunnel of the Gilgal Gibe II Hydroelectric Plant.

The dam, located 83km from Addis Abeba, in the Oromia Regional State, was established in 1960. It generates 45MW using three turbines. This power used to go to Modjo, Harar, Dire Dawa, Nazareth, and Addis Abeba. Most of it goes directly into the national grid, with only a little being used locally.

The part that burned down, according to Miheret Debebe, CEO of the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCo), is the part that supplied the local power. This led to a complete power failure in Modjo for three days.

Supply to its factories was restored early last week, after a week and a half of blackout. There are five leather factories, two export abattoirs, a textile factory, and an edible oil factory in the town. The factories had to communicate with EEPCo before power was partially restored to them, according to one of the factory owners.

"The power came along with a letter from the corporation," this person said, "and the letter did not bear good news."

EEPCo has ordered the companies to reduce their consumption by half.

"We had hoped that we would not face a power problem again," he said with disappointment.

Mojo Modern Export Abattoir has been suffering from power failures for the past 25 days, according to owner Ayele Dejene.

"I cannot use a generator because the cost is high," he said.

Efforts are underway to replace the transformer, according to an official at EEPCo.
"This is not something we keep in stock," this official said. "It is expensive and it does break down frequently."

The problem could be solved before the week was over, according to Miheret.

http://www.dailyethiopia.com/index.php?aid=620

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On the trail of Ethiopia aid and guns

Images of the famine in Ethiopia moved millions of people around the world to reach in to their pockets and donate to international aid efforts. But as Martin Plaut has been discovering, there is a disturbing allegation few would choose to confront.

It was the early 1980s. The famine, which would soon devastate much of northern Ethiopia, was already evident.

I had gone on the long, difficult journey through Sudan and into Eritrea with rebels who had been fighting the government for more than 20 years.

My wife, Gill, had come with me.

As a nurse she was fascinated by the way the rebels were treating their injured, carrying out difficult operations in makeshift wards dug into the mountains.

But now it was time for me to go up to the frontline and for her to go home.

It was late at night, and I remember wondering to myself what I would say to her mother if anything went wrong as Gill got into one of the aid lorries rumbling their way back to Sudan.

Sitting in a bunker, I had no idea where we were in this vast, arid landscape. I was entirely reliant on the rebels who had brought us in.

Live Aid

For years the rains had failed and by 1984 millions were starving.

Thanks in no small part to the help of Bob Geldof and Live Aid, people responded as never before.
Millions of dollars were raised. Food was brought in. Many died, but the worst was averted - or so I thought.

But a year ago, I began hearing a different take.

I was contacted by Ethiopians who said we had all missed the real story of how money given with such worthy objectives had ended up being used to buy weapons.
I began making enquiries.

Gun money

Aregawi Berhe is the former army commander of the rebel movement that operated in the Ethiopian province of Tigray.

He now lives in a modest flat in the back streets of a Dutch town. He insisted on making me coffee.
Then he told me his version of what took place all those years ago - how the lightly-armed rebels he led took on the mighty Ethiopian army which had all the latest Soviet weaponry.

He told me that as the money began flowing in to feed the starving, a bitter debate had taken place inside the rebel movement.

There were divisions over how the cash should be spent.

“ Money that was being channelled through the rebel side went to the party and to buy guns ”

He also explained how the aid money was diverted not just to buy weapons his troops needed, but also to build a hardline, Stalinist party - the Marxist Leninist League of Tigray.

This initiative, he said, was led by a young ideologue, Meles Zenawi.
In the bitter infighting, Aregawi and his allies lost out.

Money that was being channelled through the rebel side went to the party and to buy guns.
In 1985, Aregawi told me, just 5% of $100m (£65m) they received went to the starving.

It was an extraordinary tale, but perhaps Aregawi and his associates were just embittered men, trying to blacken the names of their former comrades?

After all, Meles Zenawi went on to become Ethiopia's prime minister and served with distinction on the Commission for Africa set up by former British prime minister Tony Blair.

Secret CIA reports

So over the next months I spoke to people from Alaska to Australia, from Scandinavia to Palestine.

I accumulated evidence from secret CIA reports. Former ambassadors supported the story Aregawi had told me.

Facts were found in the dusty back issues of obscure newsletters.
Even former Ethiopian government officials, who had been on the government side of the conflict said they believed it was true.

Was it significant that so many people refused to speak about these events, including civil servants, academics and politicians like Meles Zenawi?

Even Bob Geldof, who is not usually reluctant to talk, turned me down.
It became clear that 25 years on, this was still a subject too sensitive to be discussed openly.

Money trail

One person who did talk to me was Max Peberdy.

He is an aid consultant, who had carried nearly $500,000 (£331,00) worth in local currency into Tigray to buy surplus grain to feed the starving.

Despite telling him the evidence I had collected, he insists the money did not go astray.

I pointed out that he had been entirely reliant on the rebels to take him in, and that their Marxist-Leninist ideology ran counter to every notion of an independent aid operation.

I also explained that he had been unable to monitor the distribution of aid in the Ethiopian highlands that were the scenes of the most intense fighting.

As I left his London home I thought back to when I waved goodbye to Gill with an Eritrean fighter by my side.

I thought about just how isolated I had been - entirely dependent on the rebels who had taken me in. And how I had failed to ask the right questions at the time.

Although I was now finally following the trail of the money and the rebel guns, I am only too aware that I was making these enquiries 20 years too late.

The aid workers who did so much to help those suffering back then had not asked those questions either. But perhaps they would not have saved so many lives if they had.
How to listen to: From Our Own Correspondent

Radio 4: Saturdays, 1130. Second weekly edition on Thursdays, 1100 (some weeks only) 


BBC NEWS: 2010/03/04

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Claims

UK, Saturday March 06, 2010

Julia Reid, Sky News Online

Bob Geldof and the Band Aid trust are set to make an official complaint to the BBC over its claims that millions of pounds in donated aid for Ethiopia was spent on weapons.

Complaint follows claims by two former rebel fighters

The complaint will be made jointly with agencies including Christian Aid, and will denounce the "false and dangerously misleading impression" created by the BBC World Service's Africa editor, Martin Plaut.

His report claimed that 95% of the aid which went to Ethiopia's northern province of Tigray during the famine of 1985 was diverted for military use by rebel forces.

Paul Brannen, Head of Advocacy and Influence at Christian Aid, confirmed that the charity would be signing up to the complaint to BBC Trust chairman Sir Michael Lyons.

"This affair is a good example of the old adage that a lie can be halfway around the world while the truth is still getting its boots on," he said.

"In these days of rapid and international communications it is more important than ever that the BBC independently verifies every single fact that it intends to broadcast."

Oxfam says it will decide next week whether to sign up to the letter.

Campaigns and policy director Phil Bloomer called the claims over the redirection of aid money "proposterous".

"The British public who in good faith donated money to help distressed, starving people need to know that these allegations are proposterous," he said.

"Aid distribution during this conflict held risks but it is indisputable that aid and the efforts of the humanitarian agencies saved many thousands of lives in Ethiopia.

Geldof, who raised $144m for Africa in the Live Aid concert in 1985, will also report the BBC to Ofcom.
"This story has gone around the world on the internet and created a totally false impression of what actually happened," he said.

"At the time of Live Aid we had journalists crawling all over everything we did trying to find something wrong - and they couldn't.

"And now, on the strength of one disgruntled soldier, the BBC has undermined the faith of ordinary people across the world in the effectiveness of giving to people in their hour of need.
"It is a disgrace."

Millions of pounds have been donated in aid to Ethiopia
The Independent claims a draft of the complaint to the BBC speaks of "disgracefully poor reporting" by the BBC and reliance on "dubious sources and rumour".

"There is not in fact a shred of credible evidence that this happened," it reads.

"There is overwhelming evidence that tens of thousands and even millions were saved by these efforts, which were in fact spurred by reporting by the BBC."

Mr Plaut's story was broadcast on the World Service, Radio 4 and via the BBC website.

It relies on accounts by two former senior Tigrean rebels, one of whom, Aregawi Berhe, was expelled from the guerilla movement in the summer of 1985.

Geldof said Berhe had a political axe to grind and could not have witnessed the alleged transactions.

There are fears that the BBC's report could undermine public generosity towards charity appeals for Haiti and Chile in the wake of the recent disasters.

A BBC spokesman says the corporation stands by the story and will issue a statement later.

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Woyane Militias on a Rape Spree

Monday, 22 February 2010 Ogaden Online

Reports reaching the Ogaden Online service desk from the town of Falfal, part of the Dhagax Buur province, confirm a rape spree that was spearheaded by the Woyane militias deployed in the area.

Eyewitnesses and local reporters have confirmed one such incident where seven Woyane militia members were reported to have gang raped a very young woman. This gruesome incident took place on February 13, 2010.

Eyewitnesses reported the woman’s name as Ardo Maxamed Cali. It is reported that the health of the raped woman is deteriorating since she has almost bled to death due to the injuries caused by the gang rape.

In related news, the Ethiopian Military stationed in the east of Iimey, part of the Shabele province, engaged in a similar gang rape incident on February 06th, 2010. The young woman who was also gang raped is said to be Shukri Faarax Sheikh Xuseen.

These gang rape incidents, although not new, appear coordinated. They also are on the increase. Locals attribute to the increased gang rape incidents as the ‘only’ way the Woyane militias could retaliate against the recent heavy military losses they have sustained in the hands of the Ogaden National Liberation Army (ONLA) personnel.
http://www.ogaden.com/hornnews/ogaden/681-woyane-militias-on-a-rape-spree.html?tmpl=component&print=1&layout=default&page=

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US : travel warning to Eritrea…

March 03, 2010

The U.S. Department of State continues to warn U.S. citizens of the risks of travel to Eritrea and recommends that U.S. citizens defer all travel there because of Eritrean government restrictions on travel outside the capital city of Asmara, an increased number of U.S. citizens arrested without clear justification, and heightened tensions along Eritrea’s borders with Ethiopia and Djibouti. This replaces the Travel Warning dated August 28, 2009.

The Eritrean government continues to restrict the travel of all foreign nationals, including resident diplomats. These restrictions require all visitors and residents to apply 10 days in advance for permission to travel outside the Asmara city limits. As a result, the U.S. Embassy cannot provide emergency consular assistance outside of Asmara.

There also have been an increased number of Eritrean-U.S. dual citizens arrested without apparent cause. Once arrested, detainees may be held for extended periods without being told the purpose of their incarceration. Conditions are harsh – those incarcerated may be held in very small quarters without access to restrooms, bedding, food or clean water. The Eritrean government does not inform the U.S. Embassy when U.S. citizens, including those who are not dual nationals, have been arrested or detained.

U.S. citizens are also cautioned to be aware of anti-U.S. sentiment among Eritrean nationals since UN sanctions were imposed on Eritrea in December 2009. There have been no specific incidents of violence targeting Americans, but anti-UN sanction demonstrations against the United States have occurred. We remind U.S. citizens that even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence. U.S. citizens are therefore urged to avoid demonstrations, and to exercise caution if within proximity of any demonstrations. U.S. citizens should stay current with media coverage of local events and be aware of their surroundings at all times.

U.S. citizens are strongly advised to avoid travel near the Eritrean-Ethiopian border and to the Southern Red Sea region, including the port of Assab.

U.S. citizens considering travel within Eritrea should be aware of the presence of large numbers of Eritrean and Ethiopian troops along the Eritrean-Ethiopian border, and acute political tensions between the two countries. In March 2008, Eritrean restrictions on diesel fuel supplies caused the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea’s detachments to withdraw from the Temporary Security Zone, leaving no international observers monitoring the border. Skirmishes between troops of both countries resulted in fatalities in January and February of 2010.

Since April 2008, Djiboutian and Eritrean troops have been deployed along the Eritrea-Djibouti border. The Djiboutian government claims Eritrean troops have crossed into its territory and on June 10, 2008, Djiboutian and Eritrean troops exchanged fire along their shared border.

The consular section of Embassy Asmara is open only for emergency American citizen services. U.S. citizens currently living or traveling in Eritrea are strongly encouraged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Asmara through the State Department’s travel registration web site, https://travelregistration.state.gov, and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Eritrea. By registering, U.S. citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact them in case of an emergency and provide updates on the security situation. The U.S. Embassy is located at 179 Alaa Street, P.O. Box 211, Asmara; telephone (291-1) 12-00-04, available 24 hours in case of emergency; fax (291-1) 124-255 and (291-1) 127-584; web site http://asmara.usembassy.gov/.

For additional information, consult the Department of State’s Country Specific Information sheet for Eritrea and the Worldwide Caution at http://travel.state.gov. American citizens may also obtain up-to-date information on security conditions by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll-free in the United States and Canada, or 1-202-501-4444 from overseas.